“粤港澳大湾区”三地制度建设路径探索

2019年中央颁布《粤港澳大湾区发展规划纲要》,将粤港澳大湾区计划初步建设成为世界一流湾区。改革开放以来,广东与港澳的关系一直非常紧密,尤其在经贸合作领域,香港和广东的关系犹如“前店后厂”。与长三角、京津冀地区实践不同,粤港澳大湾区是“一国两制”下的一次重大探索式发展。粤港澳大湾区有其特殊地位,粤港澳三地三种不同的关税区具有不同的制度和法律,应在维护“一国两制”的前提下探索三地的深度融合。     

日本外国移民管理经验及对中国的启示

日本的外国移民管理机制比较完善,形成了以《出入境管理及难民认定法》和《住民基本台账法》等法律为基础的法律法规体系和以法务省、外务省、厚生劳动省等部门为核心的行政管理体系。日本在外国移民管理方面经验丰富,一些做法值得中国借鉴。     

对战后菲律宾森林政策的全面解读——评包茂红《森林与发展:菲律宾森林滥伐研究(1946—1995)》

包茂红先生撰写的《森林与发展:菲律宾森林滥伐研究(1946—1995)》,从战后菲律宾政治、经济、社会与森林互动共生的角度,全面展示了菲律宾森林生态发展的曲折历史,是当前环境史研究的优秀史著。作者用跨学科的方法具体而系统地研究了菲律宾历史上森林滥伐的原因、过程及其影响,从不同于西方和菲律宾学者的视角,给出了新的超越以前二元对立的更为全面的解释模式。     

Framing the fall of Sinjar: Kurdish media’s coverage of the Yazidi genocide

Abstract

In the early morning of 3 August 2014, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacked the Sinjar district in the vicinity of Mosul. The area was largely under the control of Kurdish forces at the time, especially those associated with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). Those forces could not defend the district and ISIS was able to take control of the area. Consequently, a considerable number of Yazidi people were killed or displaced, while female Yazidis were raped and kidnapped. This study, based on framing theory, attempts to explain how two major Kurdish media organizations, Rudaw, which is loyal to KDP, and the Kurdish News Network (KNN), which is loyal to the Gorran (Change) Movement, each covered the event in their news reports. By performing a content analysis of 222 news stories covering the event, the key finding of the research is that, in instances of assigning responsibility for the fall of Sinjar, political considerations are the determining factor in how the narrative was framed. Taken as part of a growing literature on media in Kurdistan, the research outlined in this article supports the conclusion that the framing of media coverage in the Kurdistan Region is subject to strong political bias and media organizations support the political narratives advanced by their political patrons, as it is the case in many other Middle Eastern countries.     

FEATURE REVIEW

Between 1987 and 1996 Chinese exports increased by an average of 14% each year. During this decade, export growth became a crucial determinant of overall economic growth. However, as a consequence of the East Asian financial crises, Chinese export growth slowed, threatening the successful implementation of plans to restructure the domestic Chinese economy. This paper traces the reasons for the rapid growth and subsequent slowing of Chinese exports, and asks whether the strategy provides a solid basis for the long term development of the Chinese economy. In particular, the paper focuses on the role and significance of the processing trade in boosting Chinese exports. The high proportion of imported components in processed exports questions whether China is really benefiting as much from export growth as aggregate trade figures seem to suggest.     

国家安全领导体制的变革与东北亚地区安全

以国家安全委员会为代表的国家安全领导体制是现代国家安全决策、协调和咨询的最核心机构。从理论上讲,国家安全领导体制关系到国家安全战略的每个环节,可以结合外交政策分析的不同视角,同时又具有比较政治研究的重大意义。从实践上来看,美国、英国、法国等世界上主要大国都已建立起较为完善的国家安全领导体系,而东北亚中、日、韩三国从2013年开始也相继进行了国家安全领导体制的变革,建立了国家安全委员会及其常设机构。尽管从人员构成、战略目标、运行模式等方面来看,三国变革后的国家安全领导体制还有差异,但是国家安全领导体制的变化对东北亚局势还是造成了深远影响。中日关系、朝鲜半岛问题、东北亚地区的安全架构都出现了新的变化;同时,各国国内安全问题,特别是非传统安全问题已成为新的国家安全领导体制的主要涉及领域。东北亚地区国家安全领导体制改革是全球范围内国家安全转化和重构的一部分,未来的国家安全领导体制建设要从理论上探讨如何规避其中的官僚政治特别是小集团思维因素,在理念上要与国家安全观紧密结合起来,在实践上要充分考虑其长期性、复杂性,并为体制变革提供强有力的法律保障。     

杜特尔特时期美菲防务合作的调整及其局限

In 2016 and 2017 respectively,new governments of the Philippines and the United States took office,which initiated a change in the development of their bilateral relations.Although the US-Philippines alliance has since then returned to normal conditions and defense cooperation has continued to strengthen,policy reorientations and adjustments by the Trump administration have stirred up uncertainties among the Filipinos concerning the ties between the two countries.Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte came to power with the slogan of change.His foreign policy sought to actively close the rift in the relations with China,which were severely damaged by the South China Sea arbitration case.While tightening US-Philippines defense cooperation,he also took active steps to diversify cooperation partners.In recent years,a number of new features have been added to the US-Philippines defense cooperation,which not only reflects the characteristics and trends of the advancement of the US Indo-Pacific strategy,but also has important implications for China and its efforts to maintain overall peace and stability in the neighboring areas and to further enhance China-Philippines relations.     

Offshore gas intermediary companies in Eurasia

Gazprom's utilization of offshore registration – or the moving of money across national boundaries for reasons other than of direct business benefit – has resulted in the creation of a web of subsidiary companies with opaque leadership and financial arrangements. Some of these subsidiary companies operate as intermediaries in the natural gas trade among the former Soviet states. Given that the gas trade within Eurasia has a long history of fixed contracts that move gas through a network of pipelines, why were intermediaries created, and why register them offshore? Using a critical reading of stateness as a space for transnational networks, and supported by mind-mapping software, we analysed the structure and operations of offshore gas intermediary companies between Russia and Central Asia dating from the break-up of the Soviet Union. We conclude that there were several purposes for using intermediary gas companies, from navigating trade among the newly independent states, to asset stripping, monopolizing markets, and obfuscating finance and ownership. However, the usefulness of intermediary companies to Gazprom may have expired, as a confluence of increased competition among suppliers, diversification of export routes, and economic stagnation has led to exporters and importers calling for their end.     

Chinese Immigration to Russia and Its Non-traditional Security Impact

Russia and China rapidly restore communication after the Cold War, but the Chinese immigration issue is also widely exaggerated and even described as “Yellow Peril again” in Russia. The so-called Yellow Peril is not only a Russian object perception but also a cross-generational conflict between Russia and China. Furthermore, it will be related to the subsequent development of the Russian Far East and Siberia. The Chinese immigration constitutes psychological and survival non-traditional security impacts on Russia and also forms some kind of social competition with Russians. It is vital for Russia to cooperate with its eastern neighbor to accelerate the development of the Russian Far East and Siberia, but national security and social stability are the prerequisites for cooperation. Nevertheless, it is more significant to rebuild self-confidence of the Russians in the Russian Far East and acknowledge that the East will not be a threat to Russia. As long as Russia realizes that it can enjoy unlimited possibilities in the East, the non-traditional security impacts caused by the Chinese immigration will automatically alleviate and even disappear. Today, most Russians are trapped in the dilemma of welcoming or refusing the Chinese immigrants; however, cultural exchange still has some effects and at least causes Russians to begin to positively treat the Chinese immigration and consider whether to accept China and cooperate with China.